http://old.ape.md/ 21.12.2024 en http://old.ape.md/ Copyright (c) 2024 http://old.ape.md/ http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2309 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2249 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2248 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2245 In the wake of the EaP Summit in Vilnius that took place on 28-29 November 2013, Moldova was considered the brightest star of the EaP. Its merits were evident. It initialed the Association Agreement (AA) including the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Aria (DCFTA) with the EU concluded successfully the visa liberalization dialogue with the EU and the European Commission recommended to the EU Council the lifting of visa requirements for Moldovan citizens who hold biometric passports. Five months later, on 28 April 2014, the EU has liberalized visa regime with Moldova, then, on 27 June 2014, Moldova signed the AA and started its provisional implementation on 1 September 2014. The prospects of Moldova’s partnership with the EU were much more promising than ever before. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2237 Moldova supports the ENP as a general policy framework for its members, nevertheless, it is pledging for a clear cut distinction between ENP’s South and East dimensions, between the Eastern Partnership and the Mediterranean Union, between the European and non-European neighbours of the EU. Moreover, past five year have shown that even the Eastern Partnership is not a monolithic group of countries, on the contrary, its members have different level of ambitions when it comes to the scope and depth of their domestic reforms and their relationships with the EU. Therefore, Moldova is pledging strongly for a deeper differentiation including between the Eastern Partnership countries. In its view, the countries that have the will and determination to develop political association and economic integration relations with the EU, through implementing far-reaching democratic and economic reforms, should enjoy a clear cut European membership perspective. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2236 In 2014, the small-step policy of engagement with the Transnistrian administration has stalled. The consultations in the "5+2" format were discontinued and discussions on the political and security issues remained blocked. The sectorial cooperation between both banks has generally known no development. The joint working groups met without deciding anything substantial and their work agendas were dominated mainly by the conflicting issues. The situation in the security zone of the conflict continued to deteriorate, while the mutual recriminations between Tiraspol and Chisinau on sabotaging the dialogue have become increasingly common. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2226 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2214 Unlike Republic of Moldova, Ukraine never anchored the principle of neutrality in its Constitution, although it announced this intention in the 1990 Declaration of Independence. Ukraine’s experience in terms of neutrality is only limited to the period of 2010-2014, when Kiev passed a law regarding Ukraine’s non-adherence to military blocs – so called non-bloc status. After repealing of this law, Ukraine comes back to the idea of adherence to NATO, even though there is hardly any possibility for this idea to become reality in the near future, due to the war in the region. Observing Kiev’s fluctuations between a country with a neutrality status and the desire to come under the Western security umbrella, the Chisinau Government could draw some conclusions related to the functionality of the neutrality principle enshrined in Article 11 of the Constitution. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2207 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2201 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2194 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2193 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2192 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2171 On November 30, Moldova held a crucial parliamentary election, the results of which will determine the country’s future for years to come. Major political parties advocated not merely different policies, but diametrically opposite geopolitical options: an association agreement with the European Union or membership in the Russia-led Customs Union. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2143 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2137 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2134 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2130 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2120 After a series of unsuccessful attempts to reform the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MAI) in the context of various strategic initiatives and foreign or domestic policies, in 2013, the Republic of Moldova has made a decisive step towards the creation of a new police system, adjusted to the European requirements, when the functions of the MAI were separated from those of the police. Thus, the MAI is no longer a Ministry of the Police. It develops, evaluates and coordinates the implementation of the police policies. Policing, which is to maintain the public order, to prevent and combat criminal activity lies solely with the police. This separation of the police from the political sphere was made by a new Law on the Policing and Police Officer Status that was passed in 2012 and entered into force in 2013. Only after more than 20 years of independence and the creation of a state subject to the rule of law, the police gets rid of the status of "the armed body" and the substantive and formal elements that are deeply rooted in the legacy left by the Soviet militia. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2119 The big weakness of the Moldovan authorities on the Transnistrian dimension is the lack of a credible country reintegration policy that would be approved and supported by at least the ruling parliamentary majority. In our opinion, any State policy must have a set of essential elements, namely: a vision, a strategy and means of implementation, to be able to achieve the objectives. Thus, further we will analyse the given components, presenting the facts and highlighting their main weaknesses. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2118 2013 has been the year when the first steps in combating discrimination in the Republic of Moldova were undertaken, some difficult steps, especially for the newly elected members of the Council to prevent and liquidate the discrimination and ensure equality (hereinafter, the Anti-Discrimination Council or the CAD), which is the main entity both to combat and sanction discrimination and to promote non-discrimination within the society. It may be said that 2013 was largely devoted to some organizational issues, which enabled the creation and capacity building in the field of non-discrimination. Even if we cannot talk about some spectacular results at the public level, however, it was especially the second half of the year that marked an intense period of storage and organization of capabilities, while the results will be felt in 2014 and beyond. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2117 Despite the stated interest to undertake a multidimensional reform of the Prosecutor's Office, few of the defined priority activities were carried out, while the initiated ones are at an early stage. Both the foreign monitoring and the domestic observers found deficiencies in respect of the promotion of initiatives aimed at reforming the Prosecutor's Office. Thus, the reform of the Prosecutor's Office has at present arrears as regards most of the chapters. However, certain actions, related to the overall reform effort, were implemented during the reporting period. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2114 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2102 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2097 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2081 After 22 years of independence, Republic of Moldova (R. Moldova) finally made its first real step towards a comprehensive and foreseeable foreign and domestic policy. The European agenda became one of the elements that guided the domestic reforms and mobilized the activities inside and outside the country. Without neglecting the still existing shortcomings, authorities as well as the civil society concentrated on putting into practice the EU – R. Moldova bilateral documents as to make the European course of the R. Moldova an irreversible one. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2028 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2027 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2025 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=2012 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1976 On May 3, 2013 after a long, hard and untreatable disease, hit by a blind bullet at a boar hunting, died the wunderkind of the Eastern Partnership, the spoiled schoolgirl of Europe – the Success Story of Moldova. In the last moments of her life, she was accompanied by her father Vladimir Filat, President of the Liberal Democratic Party and her step uncle Vladimir Voronin, President of the Communist Party. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1974 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1956 For two decades, the answer escapes us as a Fata Morgana in the desert of Sahara. For two decades, the Republic of Moldova struggles between to be and not to be. For two decades, Moldova swings confused between East and West. For two decades, we choose between democracy and oligarchy, wealth and poverty, between the modern state and the bankrupt one, forgotten at the edge of European civilization. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1949 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1932 Transnistria’s reintegration with a special status within the Republic of Moldova is one of the fundamental priorities of the Moldovan constitutional authorities . To achieve this goal, the Government of the Republic of Moldova is determined to plead for the full withdrawal of the Russian military forces from the territory of the country, replacing peacekeeping forces with an international civilian mission and the settlement of the conflict in the 5 + 2 format, respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. In turn, the secessionist Transnistrian administration rejects from the very beginning any discussions or negotiations with respect to the reintegration of the Transnistrian region with a special status within the Republic of Moldova. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1929 Transnistria’s reintegration with a special status within the Republic of Moldova is one of the fundamental priorities of the Moldovan constitutional authorities. To achieve this goal, the Government of the Republic of Moldova is determined to plead for the full withdrawal of the Russian military forces from the territory of the country, replacing peacekeeping forces with an international civilian mission and the settlement of the conflict in the 5 + 2 format, respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. In turn, the secessionist Transnistrian administration rejects from the very beginning any discussions or negotiations with respect to the reintegration of the Transnistrian region with a special status within the Republic of Moldova. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1926 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1921 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1905 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1899 Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh are so-called “frozen conflicts” of the Eastern Partnership, a grouping which includes Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. These conflicts represent a serious challenge to the security, stability, and prosperity of the Eastern Partnership countries. The last 20 years have proven that their resolution cannot be achieved by using military force. On the contrary, their future settlement needs a complex approach that would involve not only political negotiation, but also civil society dialogues, confidence and partnership building and reconciliation. That approach has become the official policy of Moldovan authorities with regard to the Transnistrian conflict. Yet, it has gained modest ground in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh, where the main political actors are in a deadlock. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1872 When asked about the prospects of settling the Transnistrian issue, Prime Minister Filat states each time that he is ready to fly to the moon if this is what it takes to achieve Moldova’s reintegration. Does Mr. Filat want to repeat the adventures of Baron Munchhausen? Certainly not, the Prime Minister is an experienced, pragmatic and rational politician and not at all an adventurer. Speaking metaphorically, he wants to assure us that in order to solve this conflict he is decided to do everything in his power. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1871 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1828 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1792 This analysis has been written in the framework of the APE project “European Integration and Foreign Policy Debates” that is implemented in partnership with the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Moldova. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1755 The European Union uses positive conditionality—rewarding countries for adopting specific reforms—as a tool to promote open society values. The case of Moldova shows how clearly defined benchmarks and tangible reward enables the EU to push governments to adopt valuable reforms. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1729 If the Republic of Moldova would join the Customs Union Russia-Belarus-Kazakhstan, its apologists assure us that we’ll have a good life, we’ll benefit from cheap gas and our wine will flow freely to the Russian market and Transnistria issue will be finally resolved. These promises/arguments are compelling for many of those 57% of Moldovans who, according to the latest Public Opinion Barometer, are ready to vote for the integration of our country into the Customs Union. It sounds like a sweet mermaid song, in particular, for that part of our society that still is nostalgic for "proletarian welfare" of the defunct USSR. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1728 Notably, the 2012 Index is based on a more elaborate set of questions than the 2011 Index was. The 2011 Index was based on nearly 400 questions, while this year’s Index is based on 695 questions. In contrast to the previous Index, the structure of each of the three dimensions is different. For instance, we introduced “Sectoral Cooperation” section in Linkage and “Sectoral Approximation” section in Approximation to give less weight to each individual sector. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1726 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1666 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1665 Note: This analysis has been developed within the project of the Foreign Policy Association "Exploiting regional expertise and experience for developing predictable and viable relations with Russia ". The project was implemented in partnership with the Black Sea Trust for Regional Cooperation, German Marshall Fund. One of the major goals of the project was to identify the premises, obstacles and options for building a realistic, credible and beneficial Moldovan-Russian partnership for both sides. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1623 The 2011 was a good year for the foreign policy, which, in fact, is the true success story of the Republic of Moldova during the last 3 years. The positive image that our country enjoys within the Eastern Partnership, in Washington, Brussels and other EU capitals, is primarily due to our diplomacy. Nevertheless, the successes of our foreign policy, particularly in relations with the EU are increasingly dependent on internal factors, such as solidarity of the political class, cohesion of the society, pace and quality of reforms, the efficiency of state institutions, etc... From this point of view, we can presume that 2012 will be much more difficult for our diplomats. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1622 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1594 The question of the title is undoubtedly challenging for an increasingly indifferent society towards the Transnistrian problem. According to the latest barometer of public opinion (BPO) from November 2011, the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict is No. 1 priority only for 1% of the country’s population and is on the 8th place among the most important problems to be solved in the Republic of Moldova. On the other hand, the consensus and solidarity of political class on the provisions of the special legal status of the Transnistrian region, as defined by the Law No. 173 from 22 July 2005, are no longer certain. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1593 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1582 Reflections on the session of the European Council for Foreign Relations Warsaw, November 10, 2011 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1576 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1509 Each of the 20 years of independence in Moldova has its meaning and role in what happened in the period and, undoubtedly, in what is going to happen in the country and the people’s lives in the future. Info-Prim Neo asked politicians, analysts, experts and personalities from different areas to pronounce on the main events that took place during a certain year and assess their impact on the country. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1508 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1483 European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) is an EU foreign policy instrument by which the latter aims to create an area of security and prosperity around it. ENP was launched in 2004 and comprises 16 countries from North Africa, Middle East and Eastern Europe, including Moldova. After 7 years of implementation, the ENP is far from achieving its strategic objective. In the last three years, several developments have questioned the efficiency and capabilities of the ENP, both on its Eastern and Southern dimensions. Among negative evolutions we can mention the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008, expansion of authoritarian drifts in most the Eastern Partnership countries, flagrant violation of fundamental human rights in Belarus, the violent suppression of peaceful protests in Chisinau in April 2009, and Minsk in December 2010, the worsening of economic and democratic conditions in states from North Africa and the Middle East, which led eventually to the outbreak of civil war and popular uprisings in Libya, etc... These and other negative trends have determined the EU to start the ENP reevaluation. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1482 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1478 On June 10, the Russian ambassador Valeri Kuzmin tried once again the limits of the Chisinau authority’s pragmatic patience. Taking advantage of the reception organized with the occasion of Russia’s national day, he gave the word to the Transnistrian region representative Vladimir Yastrebchak, presenting him no more, no less, as “foreign minister of Transnistria”. To his surprise, but also to ours, the proverbial patience of the Moldovan diplomats “has broken”, as they left the reception as a sign of protest. No less surprising was the gesture of American and European diplomats present at the event, that followed the act of dignity and courage of our diplomats. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1477 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1463 On June 5, 2010, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Russia’s President Dmitry Medvedev signed the Russian-German Memorandum of Meseberg, under which the EU and Russia are to create a joint Foreign Policy and Security Committee at the level of ministers, with the Transnistrian conflict to become a major subject in the Council’s agenda. It will be soon a year of this date, but the committee has not been yet set up. Moscow considers that the ball is in the court of Brussels, which should respond to the proposals submitted by it last summer, concerning the work of the committee proposed by Merkel and Medvedev in Meseberg. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1462 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1425 A new round of informal talks on the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict in the 5+2 format (Moldova and Transnistria as conflicting sides, the OSCE, Russia and Ukraine as mediators, and the U.S. and the EU as observers) took place in Vienna on April 4-5. Despite the expectations, the parties dd not manage to reach a compromise as regards the resumption of the official talks in the 5+2 format. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1424 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1393 U.S. Vice President Joe Biden shares a laugh with Finnish President Tarja Halonen at the Presidential Palace in Helsinki. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1392 U.S. Vice President Joe Biden was in Moldova today for a brief visit to encourage reform in the impoverished nation and push for a peaceful settlement of its separatist conflict.Biden, the highest-ranking U.S. official to visit Moldova since the country declared independence from Soviet rule, http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1371 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1370 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1362 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1355 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1354 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1329 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1323 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1312 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1309 The November 28 elections were expected to produce the long-sought clarity on the Moldovan political arena, but unfortunately for us, it wasn't meant to be this time either. Things start to look even more mixed up, the political crisis is continuing, and the country's future seems to be more uncertain than ever. To rephrase an old Moldovan proverb, “a poor man can never get his politicians carry the load”. At this moment, this saying describes our realities best. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1281 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1266 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1258 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1256 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1255 Regular meetings between political representatives of Chisinau and Tiraspol - Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration Victor Osipov and Vladimir Yastrebchak. It is relevant that one of the meetings took place right in Tiraspol, on the occasion of launching the working groups. These constant meetings have contributed to solving the current problems and to strengthening the confidence-building measures between the two sides of the Nistru. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1254 During this year, there were a series of events, both domestically and internationally, which resulted in the resumption of the permanent "5+2" dialogue as well as the fulfillment of certain concrete promises, such as for example, to resume passenger transportation on the Tiraspol-Chisinau-Odessa railroad. But there were some incidents caused by the transnistrian side, which disrupted the consultation process by creating artificial tensions. However, uncontrolled escalation of the conflict situations was successfully avoided. This is due, in large part, to the balanced and constructive attitude demonstrated by the Chisinau authorities this year. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1231 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1224 In the morning on the 15th of October we went to the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry, where an old acquaintance was already expecting us - a former employee of the Embassy of Ukraine in the Republic of Moldova, Marco Shevchenko. Now, his place of work is the Political and Security Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1219 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1200 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1153 (This commentary was published in Moldovan newspaper TIMPUL on July 22, 2010) http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1151 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1116 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1113 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1101 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1038 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=1036 With an average yearly income of only €1,100, Moldovans have seen their country steadily grow in the past decade only to run into the headwinds of the global economic crisis. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=976 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=939 Draft Paper - Please do not quote. This paper was prepared within the Study Programme on European Security implemented by Institut fur Europaische Politik. The final paper will be published on www.iep-berlin.de http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=916 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=896 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=888 The Summit of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) took place in Chisinau on October 9. This event, in the view of the former government, was to crown the victory of the Communists Party (PCRM) in this year’s parliamentary elections. Moreover, if the PCRM remained in power, the CIS Summit was to sanction the reorientation to the East of Moldova’s foreign policy. The PCRM’s defeat in the early legislative elections of July 29 and the coming to power of the Alliance for European Integration (AEI) thwarted the plans of the former head of state Vladimir Voronin and his party. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=887 U.S. Vice President Joe Biden speaks at the Central University Library in Bucharest. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=886 Called "Europe 70 years after the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact," and sponsored by the Baltic states Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, the conference was organized to discuss the fates of those countries -- together with Poland, Romania and Finland -- that were stripped of their national statehood and relegated to the status of pawns in the designs of Europe's two great powers in 1939. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=885 Russia enjoys dabbling in the domestic politics of its neighboring countries, publicly supporting its favorite politicians and demonstrating its contempt for those whom it dislikes. But it rarely -- at least among its European neighbors -- gets the result it is seeking. The most recent example is Moldova. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=883 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=857 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=856 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=855 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=854 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=852 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=824 A ruling by Moldova’s constitutional court on Thursday could clear the way for the former Soviet republic to form a western-leaning government after almost six months of political turmoil that began after contested elections in April failed to deliver a clear verdict. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=817 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=816 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=815 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=814 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=804 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=803 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=796 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=790 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=789 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=786 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=782 Commentary by Victor Chirila, Executive Director ad-interim of the Foreign Policy Association of Moldova. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=780 Obviously every country’s transition from socialism to democracy had its unique set of models and circumstances (and many countries do not even pretent to be in “transition”). All transitions are sui generis. At this stage Moldova is strengthening its break from the typically authoritarian post-Soviet governance models, and might be evolving towards the messier style of Central European politics in the 90s. It has no obvious Dzurinda who would accelerate and implement successfully a European reform agenda, and most importantly it does not have an EU accession perspective. Politics will almost inevitably be incredibly messy. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=776 This book is an analytical publication which highlights the analysis of a new format of the EU policy in the East (concerning Ukraine, Georgia, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Moldova) and views on possibilities of this policy application for further process of the European integration of Ukraine, that is in bilateral dimension – full integration of Ukraine to the EU structures, and in multilateral dimension – development and en-hancement of regional cooperation between all the Eastern partners and the EU; as well as recommendations for using the Eastern Partnership possibilities. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=775 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=758 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=730 The “overload/reset” button was at least somewhat pressed during the Obama-Tandem summit earlier this month, between the American president and the twin rulers of Russia, Dmitry Medvedev and Vladimir Putin. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=720 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=707 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=686 Foreign ministers from the 27 EU member states faced a complex agenda as they met in Luxembourg, staking out cautious positions in response to developments in Iran and Israel. The ministers extended an invitation to Moldova to hold talks on a new cooperation agreement as soon as the EU is satisfied Chisinau is committed to reforms. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=677 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=676 The partnership was launched on May 7 in Prague to lackluster reviews as several key European leaders -- most notably Gordon Brown, Nicolas Sarkozy, and Silvio Berlusconi -- failed to show up. Many who did come crossed their fingers that a notorious invitee, Alyaksandr Lukashenka, would stay far away. As it turns out, the Belarusian leader didn’t make it and neither did then- (and still-) acting Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=670 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=667 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=656 On May 20, the Moldovan opposition passed its first real test of unity when it effectively boycotted the session of the new Parliament -- elected in the controversial polls of April 5 -- that was convened to choose the country's next president. Rapid-fire, there will be another, possibly decisive vote for president, and Vladimir Voronin, the Communist Party head, Parliament speaker, and acting president, called it for May 28. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=650 European Union policy toward its neighbours to the east is in trouble, despite the launch of its new Eastern Partnership. European public opinion is increasingly introspective and sporadically protectionist. So what is to be done about the "grey zone" to Europe's east -- the six countries that now lie between the EU and Russia? Inaction is unacceptable. The region has been badly hit by the economic crisis, made all the worse by internal political turmoil and serious security dangers. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=648 "With Moldova's horde of guest workers heading home, the effects of global recession will hit Europe's poorest country hard. This crisis could be used to unlock its frozen conflict with Transnistria", comments Louis O'Neill http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=641 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=633 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=629 For the first time in recent memory, the heavy hitters of international election monitoring -- the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, the Council of Europe and the European Parliament -- were in agreement with Russia-led observers from the Commonwealth of Independent States: Moldovan parliamentary elections on Sunday were run more or less in accordance with accepted norms. Nonetheless, provocateur-instigated violence and vandalism broke out in Chisinau following massive, peaceful and spontaneous opposition protests. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=628 The recent government crackdown in Moldova on violent protests against allegations of electoral fraud during the April 5 parliamentary vote brings to mind Eric Weiner's "The Geography of Bliss." The author's year-long search for the world's happiest place led him to the conclusion that Moldovans must be the most unhappy people. Without an "abiding faith or culture on which to rely," Mr. Weiner wrote, Moldovans harbor a superstitious world-view that is "free-floating, anchored to nothing but the cloud of pessimism that hovers over this sad land." http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=614 The European Union is the only political actor with the credibility to find a solution to the current crisis When a crowd of demonstrators stormed Moldova's presidential palace and parliament building this week, many in the west struggled to understand what was happening there. Was it a new Ukraine-style "colour revolution", or a Latvia-style riot sparked by the economic crisis? The truth is it's neither. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=612 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=610 Moldova is the latest country in Europe to collapse into crisis after a contested election. Some 15.000 people, communicating through web-sites like ‘Twitter’, took to the street to protest against unfair elections taking control of the Parliament and Presidential Palace. The protests follow on from Georgia’s Rose revolution in 2004, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution in 2005, and the killing of ten protestors against election fraud in Armenia in March 2008. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=607 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=606 Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin has pulled back at the last moment from the brink of a separate deal to put Russia in the driving seat of negotiations on Transnistria. The March 18 joint declaration by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Voronin, and Transnistria leader Igor Smirnov triggered that process. A meeting of Voronin and Smirnov in Tiraspol on March 25 was scheduled as next in the sequence, potentially leading to the presentation of a fait accompli by Moscow to the Western negotiators in the 5+2 format. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=605 The joint declaration by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin, and Transnistria leader Igor Smirnov, signed in Moscow on March 18 (EDM, March 20, 25, 26), is serving Smirnov well as a negotiation-breaker. Citing points in that declaration, Smirnov is now calling openly for marginalizing or bypassing Western participants in the negotiating process, which Moscow and Tiraspol -or the latter fronting for the former- had already brought to a deadlock. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=602 Russian President Dmitry Medvedev's March 18 meeting with Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin and Transnistria leader Igor Smirnov (see EDM, March 20) was designed to mark a qualitatively new stage in the long-running negotiations on the Transnistria conflict. While continuing to block the conflict resolution negotiations, Russia is trying to move the process toward a formula to guarantee Russian control of this part of Moldova, with troops in place. Moldova's general elections, which are scheduled for April 5, give the Kremlin leverage to pressure Voronin into accepting Russia's terms. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=601 Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin's signature on the March 18 Moscow declaration, with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Transnistria's leader Igor Smirnov (Interfax, Russian MFA website, March 18, 19; see EDM, March 20, 25), amounts to a surrender in the final days of Voronin's presidency. This political document has solidified Russia's military presence and increased Russia's scope for influencing Moldova's policy choices through manipulation of the Transnistria conflict. These are the short-term effects and may extend beyond the short term unless a post-Voronin government disavows this move. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=594 Since Transnistria broke away, Moldovan governments have tried to reach a settlement, first with Tiraspol and then directly with Moscow, to find a possible path towards conflict resolution. The problem is that neither path proved to be possible. After the war in Georgia some Western observers wondered whether Russia shouldn’t now be willing to send a signal of goodwill and cooperation by resolving the Transnistrian conflict. In fact, the reaction of foreign investors alone showed how economically dependent Russia still is, and that confrontation and isolation damages the trust Russia needs to foster its own development. How isolated Russia has become was demonstrated by the fact that even its closest allies refused to follow its lead in recognizing Abkhazia and South Ossetia. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=579 The leaders of Moldova and its separatist Transdniester region have agreed to jump-start efforts to resolve their decades-long dispute through a combination of bilateral contacts and international mediation. A Kremlin-brokered meeting in Moscow on March 18 was only the second direct contact between Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin and Transdniestrian leader Igor Smirnov in almost eight years. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=576 On February 24 and 25, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergei Lavrov undertook a landmark visit to Moldova, in preparation for a possible meeting among Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin, and Transnistria's Moscow-installed leader Igor Smirnov next month. The ostensible goal is to jump-start a solution to the Transnistria conflict (Moldpress, Interfax, February 24-26). http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=575 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=573 With just six weeks to go before the April 5 parliamentary elections, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov traveled to Moldova on February 23-24, his first visit to that country since taking office in March 2004. The timing of his visit fueled speculation that its real purpose was to underscore Moscow's support for the ruling Communist Party, which is seeking a third successive term in office. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=566 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=564 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=552 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=545 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=543 In the course of my two terms as Head of the OSCE Mission in Chisinau I witnessed almost seven years of talks, contacts, walkouts, crises, recriminations, and renewals of the political settlement negotiations. Looking back and ruminating on my rather lengthy involvement in the process, I come to the following observations about both the Moldova-Transdniestria political settlement process, and negotiation and mediation in general. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=531 Under Parallel Actions, NATO would accept a promise of Russian troop withdrawal from Moldova in lieu of actual withdrawal. It only speaks of withdrawal of ammunition (not troops) “when possible,” without a time-table and implying through that wording that the withdrawal might be conditional (although the 1999 documents had eliminated any conditionality). The proposal allows Russia to retain “peacekeeping” troops in Moldova as part of an internationalized operation; but Russia can be expected to stonewall any such internationalization, undoubtedly cite the lack of agreement on it as an excuse for keeping its troops in Moldova. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=524 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=506 The Ukraine-Russia gas crisis has ended, and one might think everyone has returned to business as usual. But after Ukraine, the next item of business is Moldova. Russia, as both European Union and U.S. officials recall, has used gas for political leverage on previous occasions, http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=498 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=493 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=491 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=487 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=485 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=484 Summary: The ENP has given a new more dynamic impetus to Moldova’s relations with the EU. In the last years, the presence and influence of the EU in Moldova has increased remarkably, the Moldova – EU political cooperation has become more active, broader and deeper, http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=442 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=420 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=397 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=395 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=394 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=388 The EU has an almost annual ritual of mending its often-criticised policy towards its eastern neighbours - the so-called European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) -- through various upgrades such as the ‘New Ostpolitik', the ENP Plus, enhanced ENP, Black Sea Synergy and, most recently, the Eastern http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=387 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=343 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=341 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=336 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=335 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=327 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=326 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=325 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=324 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=323 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=311 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=310 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=309 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=308 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=307 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=306 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=305 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=304 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=303 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=302 Russia and Moldova are exploring a possible settlement of the Transnistria conflict on a bilateral basis, outside the international 5 + 2 format. Russia is the initiator of this approach, pulling a reluctant but still hopeful Moldova along. The Russian-desired outcome would: reunify Moldova nominally, albeit under Russian oversight; show that Russia can single-handedly settle a “frozen” conflict in Europe’s East, marginalizing the Euro-Atlantic community in the EU’s own neighborhood; and demonstrate that countries such as Moldova that do not seek to join NATO can hope for a more lenient Russian treatment, unlike Georgia and Ukraine, which Russia threatens to dismember or partition if they progress toward NATO membership. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=300 Recently, the EU has learned that a war over an obscure place such as South Ossetia can shatter the arrangements of post-Cold War Europe. The armed conflict between Russia and Georgia has reverberated even more shockingly across the post-Soviet space. Without stronger engagement with its neighbours, the EU might end up with a bi-polar Europe, not a \"ring of friends\" in its neighbourhood. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=292 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=270 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=269 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=268 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=267 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=266 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=265 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=264 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=263 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=262 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=261 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=260 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=259 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=258 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=257 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=256 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=255 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=254 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=253 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=252 Representatives of all parties involved in the Transdniester settlement process gathered in Moldova for informal discussions on July 21-23. First, the 3+2 format – the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Russia, and Ukraine, as mediators, and the European Union and the United States, as observers -- held separate meetings with Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin and Transdniester \"vice president\" Aleksandr Korolyov. The region\'s de facto president, Igor Smirnov, demonstratively chose not to attend.Then the same group participated in a meeting of the heads of joint expert groups for socioeconomic issues set up between Chisinau and Tiraspol. Finally, informal consultations were held within the complete 5+2 format, including the Moldovan and Transdniester chief negotiators focusing exclusively on proposals for advancing confidence-building measures between the two sides. http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=251 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=250 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=249 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=248 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=247 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=246 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=245 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=244 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=242 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=241 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=240 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=239 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=236 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=235 http://old.ape.md/libview.php?l=en&idc=152&id=234