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Niemann, Arne; de Wekker, Tessa: Normative power Europe? EU relations with Moldova. European Integration online Papers. 22.10.2010. 22.10.2010
This article analyses the extent to which the European Union (EU) constitutes a normative power in its relations with Moldova. ‘Normative power Europe’ is examined along three dimensions: (i) normative intent; (ii) normative process; and (iii) normative impact. Our empirical analysis focuses on two norms: democracy and good governance. In addition, we ask how ‘normatively’ the EU has acted regarding a solution to the Transnistrian conflict. On the basis of our three-dimensional framework, we find that EU normative power can be judged as only moderate in EU-Moldovan relations.
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Alexandru Baltag, Associated Expert, APE: "Russian energetic weapon as an instrument of pressure and influence in former Soviet space (the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine)”. 06.07.2010
Ukraine and Republic of Moldova, which have not existed as independent states by the Soviet implosion, represented the European interface first of the Russian Empire and then of the Soviet Empire. In these circumstances, this territory, particularly the Ukrainian one, has the role of geopolitical pivot, because the existence of these states as independent by the Kremlin (independent in the strict sense of the word) contributes to Russia's geopolitical transformation. An eventual join of these two countries to the EU and NATO could push Russia in Asia in such a way that the relations between Russia and Europe will be related only to the economic and energetic domain. This fact is perceived as a threat for the Russian Federation, as long as it has played and plays a (geo)political and (geo)strategic role of dominance in Europe during the recent centuries.
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Ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Penal Court:
an imperative issue on Moldova’s European Integration Agenda 28.06.2010
Mihail Popşoi
Associated Expert APE
To investigate the most heinous crimes of the twentieth century - genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, the international community has set up ad hoc tribunals such as the International Military Tribunals at Nuremberg and Tokyo, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia. However, genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes remain a grim reality of the world today. Thus, on July 17, 1998, the Rome Diplomatic Conference adopted the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) with the aim of creating a permanent and competent international court designed to prosecute people who have committed the most heinous crimes known to humanity. Thereby, the International Criminal Court differs from the International Court of Justice, sometimes called the World Court, which settles disputes between governments. Rome Statute of the ICC entered into force on July 1, 2002 and the Court is fully operational, having its seat in Hague, the Netherlands. The treaty was welcomed and appreciated by governments, legal experts and civil society as the most significant achievement in international law since the adoption of United Nations Charter. In this way, the struggle for international justice has made a major breakthrough.
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THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA (1998-2008) 22.01.2010
The Foreign Policy Association (APE) in partnership with Friedrich Ebert Foundation has agreed to conduct a review of the major topics of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova during the period 1998-2008. Thus, the present paper does not only try to reestablish the chronology of events, but also highlights the successes and failures of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova, analyzes the challenges to be faced by our diplomacy in the given time, and, of course, underscores the possible evolutions and options that Moldova shall take into account in the nearest future.
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The "Humanitarian Dimension" of Russian Foreign Policy toward Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and the Baltic States 12.11.2009
This book is work of six think tanks from Baltic States, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Centre for East European Policy Studies (Latvia) had a leading role in the implementation of this research project. Contributors include the International Centre for Defence Studies (Estonia), the Centre for Geopolitical Studies (Lithuania), the School for Policy Analysis at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy (Ukraine), the Foreign Policy Association of Moldova (Moldova), and the International Centre for Geopolitical Studies (Georgia).
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Moldova’s Uncertain Future, Europe Report N°175 17.08.2006
To access full text of this report please click here EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECCOMENDATIONSWith Romania’s expected entry into the European Union in 2007, the EU will share a border with Moldova, a weak state divided by conflict and plagued by corruption and organised crime. Moldova’s leadership has declared its desire to join the EU, but its commitment to European values is suspect, and efforts to resolve its dispute with the breakaway region of Transdniestria have failed to end a damaging stalemate that has persisted for fifteen years. Young people have little confidence in the...
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Moldova: Regional Tensions over Transdniestria. Report Nº157 17.06.2004
To access full text of this report please click here.EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONSResolving the Trandniestrian secessionist dispute in Moldova is vital to remove a potential source of chaos on the periphery of the expanding European Union, to implement an important part of the post-Cold War settlement, and to make Moldova itself a more viable state. Greater U.S. and EU engagement with the stalled peace process is essential to bring a settlement to this impoverished and unstable part of Europe.Russia's support for the self-proclaimed and unrecognised Dniestrian Moldovan Republic (DMR)...
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APE Policy Paper: The Transnistrian Settlement in Stalemate. APE/FEE. 25.05.2015 25.05.2015 // 329.392Kb
In 2014, the small-step policy of engagement with the Transnistrian administration has stalled. The consultations in the "5+2" format were discontinued and discussions on the political and security issues remained blocked. The sectorial cooperation between both banks has generally known no development. The joint working groups met without deciding anything
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